PEACE PROBE by Gene Stoltzfus


Surge: Strategy for Successful Negotiations? by peaceprobe

The President Obama – General McCrystal surge in Afghanistan is now in full motion. Last week US Marines, NATO, and Afghan forces attacked in Helmand Province, southern Afghanistan to set the stage for negotiations. The Pentagon and the White House hope that the show of force will create the conditions for the their eventual departure. Taliban resistance includes multiple improvised explosive devices (IEDs), also known as homemade roadside bombs, the weapons of choice for insurgencies today, and widely scattered landmines to inhibit foreign and Afghan government forces. By chasing down the Taliban and holding territory the US hope is that the occupying forces from abroad will weaken regional Taliban commanders and thereby force negotiations that can lead to normalization over the coming 18 months.

The multi-year strategy, the surge, attack, negotiate, withdrawal (probably with residual forces left behind) was outlined by President Obama at his West Point speech in December. This is a familiar strategy for nations when they see that a foreign occupation has become expensive, unwinnable and unpopular. Something like this was contemplated for Afghanistan by the Soviets 20 years ago, and 40 years ago by the US in Viet Nam. Both were intended to cover the negative consequences of a withdrawal where success was not achieved. In both cases the hoped for solution backfired and the imperial armies were pushed out by circumstances at home. A similar strategy is now proceeding in Iraq but we won’t know the real outcome for several years.

The process of winding down the Afghan war by means of a surge will be lubricated with generous financial incentives rumoured to be as much as 1.5 billion dollars, available for use by US commanders as encouragement to create the path for realignment. Despite Afghan President Karzai’s tenuous mandate to rule, the negotiations and leaky reconciliation effort will plod forward under his leadership. The Taliban movement is a loosely coordinated effort that does not function under unified command. Last year some Taliban leaders participated in an early attempt at conversations in Saudi Arabia. Most Taliban leaders, however, have sworn loyalty to Mullah Omar who is the closest to a human symbol of a unifying figure.

In the background veteran State Department diplomat, Richard Holbrooke who pushed through the Dayton accords precursor to the Bosnia surge, monitors progress, and provides stimulation for all the parties, Pakistan, India, Central Asia, the U N security council, NATO and other big powers. Holbrooke has estimated that 70% of the Taliban fight for local reasons or money and can be won over.

The Afghan Taliban leadership which is Pakhtoon will be weaned from their need for safe havens in Pakistan where two-thirds of the ethnic Pakhtoon population lives. American, Canadian and other officials hope that incentives like money and positions in Karzai’s Afghan government will bring Taliban commanders and their followers into Kabul’s orbit. There is plenty of precedent for incorporating Taliban-like warlords into Kabul’s government. In 2001 when the Taliban government, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan fell, the US supported forces were led by the Northern Alliance one of several warlord groups that had been beaten back earlier by the Taliban. Karzai’s government has consistently included warlord leaders who still command militias from non Pakhtoon, sectors of Afghanistan. Though the non Pakhtoon peoples make up only slightly more than half of Afghanistan’s population, the Taliban now has shadow governors in thirty-three of Afghanistan’s thirty-four provinces. However their real strength remains in the Southern provinces populated by Pakhtoon people.

In a November 2009 press release for the festival of Eid which celebrates the end of Ramadan Mullah Omar hinted at flexibility while urging fighters on with a jihad that will lead to peace. The “negotiations” last year between the Afghan government (by implications the US and NATO) and the Taliban may or may not have started to move things toward a longer term negotiating process. Renunciation of Al-Qaeda is probably Washington’s one non-negotiable demand despite the fact that U. S strategists believe Al-Qaeda’s strategic importance still centred in Pakistan is much diminished. The principal demand of the Taliban is that foreign forces must announce a timetable to leave Afghanistan. President Obama hinted at a 18-month timetable in his West Point address.

In December 2009 President Karzai called for a Laya Jirga to which the Taliban would be invited as a way to bring the insurgency to an end. A Laya Jirga or grand council in the Pakhtoon tradition has been used among the tribes to settle disputes going back to ancient times and is rooted in Pashtunwali, the code of ethics of the Pakhtoon people. Karzai is said to have insisted that Mullah Omar be invited to participate. The response of the international community, the language used by Karzai to refer to the Americans, was caution. In addition to demanding assurances that the Afghan Taliban have revoke any relationship with Al-Queda the international community urged that Karzai demand that the Taliban accept the Afghan constitution. This points to the debate about the role of Sharia law in a future Afghanistan. Karzai has also called for an end night raids and that all prisoners be turned over to the Afghan government. He has continued his criticisms of the use of bombing raids by international forces that lead to massive death for civilians. In Helmand province, the site of the current U. S. and allied offensive up to ten civilians were killed in a Hellfire missile attack by a drone last week.

Even if the outlines of this precarious plan are successfully stitched together, it holds little promise of ending the work of the dragon, 9/11, whose fangs ignited this era of international terror, revenge and invasion. The end game leaves Afghanistan desperately poor and probably alone when the international community heads home as it will. The U. S. will finally have to attend to paying the sky-rocketing debt for its military adventures.

Surge, attack, negotiations have a ring of familiarity. Not all of us are confident that it will bring peace. What if the Taliban refuses to abandon their covenant with Al-Qaeda? What if Pakistan decides that an Afghanistan of warlords including Taliban warlords no longer tethered to Pakistan is too dangerous because India, its primary adversary, may exploit the situation?

What if the momentum of distrust and corruption can’t be stopped and the scaffolding for negotiations never develops? What if the better angels in Afghan culture and village life cannot be called forth to rescue everyone from the 30 year habits of violence? What if the external forces often called stakeholders, Pakistan, India, Iran, China, the neighbours to the North of Afghanistan, and the big powers including the US, NATO and Russia, all with interests in Afghanistan will not agree? What if violence, anarchy and warlords resurface with a vengeance as they did when the Soviets departed in the early 1990s? Will Afghanistan be turned back again to the warlords to compete for the spoils and grind the people down even more?

Stay tuned to this blog site as we explore some other approaches to Afghanistan and the region.

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What do Pakistani People Think of the Taliban by peaceprobe
August 18, 2009, 11:03 am
Filed under: Afghanistan and Pakistan | Tags: , , , ,
What do Pakistani People Think of the Taliban
A Pakhtoon representative for international aid groups travelled for two days by foot and bus from the his tribal area in South Waziristan, to meet with us in the Rawalpindi, the partner city of Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad.  A kindly but firm man in his early thirties, he described his work.  There was no edge in his voice as he outlined the lives of Taliban in the villages he knew best.  People in his communities all know the Taliban because family members are Taliban, he told our five person delegation from Voices for Creative Nonviolence, visiting Pakistan in May and June of this year.
Our new friend’s voice rose with fear when he spoke of  drones, his word for the remotely piloted US Predator I or II aircraft that occasionally are observed in the skies above tribal villages where he is at home. “Even the children have learned not to play in groups at the slightest sighting of a drone.  They whisper that a Hellfire missile may target them.”  For sixty years villages in his Pakhtoon tribal area have not experienced significant government presence from Islamabad.  This policy is a continuation of British colonialism’s rule reaching back another100 years..
In May the Pakistan army entered the Swat Valley, the lush Swiss like mountainous home to more than two million Pukhtoon people.  The army’s announced goal was to push out the Taliban who had consolidated their power and were beginning to extend their influence even further towards Islamabad.  A banker I met who had fled the Swat valley with more than a million other people when the Pakistan military arrived was animated about the Taliban.  “We must be rid of them.” he said, “I don’t care if they are chased out by the Indian Army or American drones.  I want them out dead or alive.”  The banker, an ethnic Pukhtoon, warned me not to listen to the attitudes of the poorer classes because they didn’t understand the real situation.
The Internally Displaced People (IDPs or refugees) from Swat Valley and other Pukhtoon tribal areas were tentative in speaking their minds. They may have been cautious about our peace delegation or worried about other Pakistanis listening in to our conversations.  We were alarmed by their stories of a harrowing flight in the wake of Pakistani army commands.  “We were ordered by Pakistani army people to leave immediately.  We fled with nothing but the work clothes on our back,” said one farmer.   Another refugee told of a neighbor women who asked her husband to grab her new baby sleeping in a blanket.  Only after they had fled for some distance did the family discover that there was no baby inside the blanket.  The husband had grabbed the wrong blanket.  The family was prohibited from returning to find the child.  Stories abound of parents separated from their children, spouses and other extended family members. Some IDPs have begun to return to the Swat Valley.
More than anything the displaced people are confused.  For two years they have watched Pakistani military units stand by as Taliban forces took over local police detachments and asserted control over schools and the local judiciary, and rolled back women’s opportunity in society.  Some told of assassinations, particularly beheadings.  A Pakistani photo journalist we met has been in hiding because she fears government reprisals since her pictures of the persecution of women in Swat Valley gained world wide attention earlier this year.  Others described grass roots sympathy for the Taliban religious teachings.  These teachings are disseminated by daily radio broadcasts.  We were told by different people that the real enemy was Central Asian peoples with the Taliban, America, China, the Pakistan military, the Taliban, India, even Israel.
For the Pukhtoon people “Talib” means student.  Taliban (students) are young boys who come from poor families and attend Madrasas, Islamic schools sometimes called seminaries.  A Pukhtoon leader from Peshawar told me that a poor family has three choices for their children, “send them to government schools if they exist and let them remain hungry, stay out of school altogether and remain hungry, or attend a Madrasa where they memorize the Koran and eat decent meals”.  Thousands have chosen the foreign financed Madrasas since the Soviets invaded Afghanistan 30 years ago. Many of those young students are now grown Taliban fighters in places like the Swat Valley and Afghanistan.  The Taliban movement was a project of the military intelligence services of Pakistan.  It began with generous support from US military and intelligence agencies.
The Taliban is not the only Pakistani movement pushing for stricter Islamic law.  For example, the much older Jamaat-e-Islami has been hard at work expanding its support among Punjabi and Sindhi peoples where it has exercised significant influence in University student movements and led relief efforts for IDPs.  “We want you to stop giving money to the Pakistani military now.” said one representative of the JI, “because your money makes our society more violent and it supports the Taliban.”
Other people representing a more secular thread of Pakistan are worried that the Taliban and militant Muslims of other stripes are gaining.  “You actually have militants in the nuclear program,” a nuclear physicist told us. “The Taliban drift is a major problem.  This will be a drag on us for at least a decade.”  As the Taliban have taken their war of truck bombs and road side explosives from Pukhtoon country on Pakistan’s western border and Afghanistan into the majority population centers including Lahore and Karachi the mood in much of Pakistan has turned dramatically against the Taliban – so much so that the Pakistan military must get serious about confronting its erstwhile “asset”.  The Pakistan military intelligence developed the Taliban in the early 1980s to provide security on its western border while its main units of the army faced India on the eastern Punjabi plains and Kashmir.
The cultural distance between  Pakistan’s great urban centers and the remote villages that support the Taliban is enormous.  Even sending the military into some of the tribal regions not under direct government rule like North or South Waziristan may be akin to sending out former Wall Street finance wizards to Iowa to run a tiny organic farm.   A Human Rights worker told us, “The Taliban did deliver law and order where the government failed.  Pakistan authority had not entered some tribal areas for 60 years and finally when it is entering those areas it is with a gun.”
Although Pukhtoon tribal society encourages revenge, elements of traditional modes of reconciliation survive in the village jirga (councils of elders).  “If you go to the elders in civilian clothes they will welcome you with an honour and protection reserved only for guests.”  The pattern of an eye for an eye, the ideology of all sides, can be broken with sincere words backed up by actions over time.  I believe this is the partly the work of Richard Holbrook, the special US negotiator for Pakistan and Afghanistan.  If he searches he will find Pakistanis in all parts of Pakistan anxious to be partners and give leadership.  Such a movement needs support from inside and outside the Obama administration to overcome the residue of revenge that still survives from 9/11.
The ideology of a primitive reconstruction of law and religious order that is the record of the Taliban frightens Pakistanis and some Americans.  For us in the US, Christian reconstructionism and Dominion theology reminds us that our faith can be hijacked too.  By engaging with the hard face of Christian theology more deliberately we can at least become familiar with how “Talibanization” is not just a phenomena of western Pakistan.
Pakistan is gifted with a layer of South Asian wisdom that views the Taliban and all the world beyond the simplistic and confining categories of good and bad, light and dark. I was the recipient of some of that insight during my recent visit.  Some of these voices will probably be silenced and imprisoned in the coming months as has been the pattern in Pakistan over the last 60 years but their influence will endure.  Our delegation found discussions of peace and nonviolence welcomed by various religious and ethnic camps.  There is a depth of conviction and hints of hope within Pakistan.  Hopefully those in power will listen before the violence brings down another Pakistani government and perhaps its long time unreliable patron, the United States.
Our work on this side is to find ways to lift the veil of secrecy.  This situation is complex but complexity should never deter us from working through the fog towards the cultural nodes that hold out promise for reconciliation.  The US embassy is scheduled for a 736 million dollar face-lift in Islamabad with Marine guards, and civilian-military contractors. It will be protected by advanced digitized security gimmicks.  A quirky Iraq-like US green zone in another Muslim country may in fact constrict the space so needed for experiments in peacemaking.  Most of all Pakistan needs room to sort out its own priorities and determine how Muslim convictions in the context of the rainbow of Pakistani cultures can energize it into the fut

A Pakhtoon representative for international aid groups travelled for two days by foot and bus from the his tribal area in South Waziristan, to meet with us in the Rawalpindi, the partner city of Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad.  A kindly but firm man in his early thirties, he described his work.  There was no edge in his voice as he outlined the lives of Taliban in the villages he knew best.  People in his communities all know the Taliban because family members are Taliban, he told our five person delegation from Voices for Creative Nonviolence, visiting Pakistan in May and June of this year.

Our new friend’s voice rose with fear when he spoke of  drones, his word for the remotely piloted US Predator I or II aircraft that occasionally are observed in the skies above tribal villages where he is at home. “Even the children have learned not to play in groups at the slightest sighting of a drone.  They whisper that a Hellfire missile may target them.”  For sixty years villages in his Pakhtoon tribal area have not experienced significant government presence from Islamabad.  This policy is a continuation of British colonialism’s rule reaching back another100 years.

In May the Pakistan army entered the Swat Valley, the lush Swiss like mountainous home to more than two million Pukhtoon people.  The army’s announced goal was to push out the Taliban who had consolidated their power and were beginning to extend their influence even further towards Islamabad.  A banker I met who had fled the Swat valley with more than a million other people when the Pakistan military arrived was animated about the Taliban.  “We must be rid of them.” he said, “I don’t care if they are chased out by the Indian Army or American drones.  I want them out dead or alive.”  The banker, an ethnic Pukhtoon, warned me not to listen to the attitudes of the poorer classes because they didn’t understand the real situation.

The Internally Displaced People (IDPs or refugees) from Swat Valley and other Pukhtoon tribal areas were tentative in speaking their minds. They may have been cautious about our peace delegation or worried about other Pakistanis listening in to our conversations.  We were alarmed by their stories of a harrowing flight in the wake of Pakistani army commands.  “We were ordered by Pakistani army people to leave immediately.  We fled with nothing but the work clothes on our back,” said one farmer.   Another refugee told of a neighbor women who asked her husband to grab her new baby sleeping in a blanket.  Only after they had fled for some distance did the family discover that there was no baby inside the blanket.  The husband had grabbed the wrong blanket.  The family was prohibited from returning to find the child.  Stories abound of parents separated from their children, spouses and other extended family members. Some IDPs have begun to return to the Swat Valley.

More than anything the displaced people are confused.  For two years they have watched Pakistani military units stand by as Taliban forces took over local police detachments and asserted control over schools and the local judiciary, and rolled back women’s opportunity in society. Some told of assassinations, particularly beheadings.  A Pakistani photo journalist we met has been in hiding because she fears government reprisals since her pictures of the persecution of women in Swat Valley gained world wide attention earlier this year.  Others described grass roots sympathy for the Taliban religious teachings.  These teachings are disseminated by daily radio broadcasts.  We were told by different people that the real enemy was Central Asian peoples with the Taliban, America, China, the Pakistan military, the Taliban, India, even Israel.

For the Pukhtoon people “Talib” means student.  Taliban (students) are young boys who come from poor families and attend Madrasas, Islamic schools sometimes called seminaries.  A Pukhtoon leader from Peshawar told me that a poor family has three choices for their children, “send them to government schools if they exist and let them remain hungry, stay out of school altogether and remain hungry, or attend a Madrasa where they memorize the Koran and eat decent meals”.  Thousands have chosen the foreign financed Madrasas since the Soviets invaded Afghanistan 30 years ago. Many of those young students are now grown Taliban fighters in places like the Swat Valley and Afghanistan.  The Taliban movement was a project of the military intelligence services of Pakistan.  It began with generous support from US military and intelligence agencies.

The Taliban is not the only Pakistani movement pushing for stricter Islamic law.  For example, the much older Jamaat-e-Islami has been hard at work expanding its support among Punjabi and Sindhi peoples where it has exercised significant influence in University student movements and led relief efforts for IDPs.  “We want you to stop giving money to the Pakistani military now.” said one representative of the JI, “because your money makes our society more violent and it supports the Taliban.”

Other people representing a more secular thread of Pakistan are worried that the Taliban and militant Muslims of other stripes are gaining.  “You actually have militants in the nuclear program,” a nuclear physicist told us. “The Taliban drift is a major problem.  This will be a drag on us for at least a decade.”  As the Taliban have taken their war of truck bombs and road side explosives from Pukhtoon country on Pakistan’s western border and Afghanistan into the majority population centers including Lahore and Karachi the mood in much of Pakistan has turned dramatically against the Taliban – so much so that the Pakistan military must get serious about confronting its erstwhile “asset”.  The Pakistan military intelligence developed the Taliban in the early 1980s to provide security on its western border while its main units of the army faced India on the eastern Punjabi plains and Kashmir.

The cultural distance between  Pakistan’s great urban centers and the remote villages that support the Taliban is enormous.  Even sending the military into some of the tribal regions not under direct government rule like North or South Waziristan may be akin to sending out former Wall Street finance wizards to Iowa to run a tiny organic farm.   A Human Rights worker told us, “The Taliban did deliver law and order where the government failed.  Pakistan authority had not entered some tribal areas for 60 years and finally when it is entering those areas it is with a gun.”

Although Pukhtoon tribal society encourages revenge, elements of traditional modes of reconciliation survive in the village jirga (councils of elders).  “If you go to the elders in civilian clothes they will welcome you with an honour and protection reserved only for guests.”  The pattern of an eye for an eye, the ideology of all sides, can be broken with sincere words backed up by actions over time.  I believe this is the partly the work of Richard Holbrook, the special US negotiator for Pakistan and Afghanistan.  If he searches he will find Pakistanis in all parts of Pakistan anxious to be partners and give leadership.  Such a movement needs support from inside and outside the Obama administration to overcome the residue of revenge that still survives from 9/11.

The ideology of a primitive reconstruction of law and religious order that is the record of the Taliban frightens Pakistanis and some Americans.  For us in the US, Christian reconstructionism and Dominion theology reminds us that our faith can be hijacked too.  By engaging with the hard face of Christian theology more deliberately we can at least become familiar with how “Talibanization” is not just a phenomena of western Pakistan.

Pakistan is gifted with a layer of South Asian wisdom that views the Taliban and all the world beyond the simplistic and confining categories of good and bad, light and dark. I was the recipient of some of that insight during my recent visit.  Some of these voices will probably be silenced and imprisoned in the coming months as has been the pattern in Pakistan over the last 60 years but their influence will endure.  Our delegation found discussions of peace and nonviolence welcomed by various religious and ethnic camps.  There is a depth of conviction and hints of hope within Pakistan.  Hopefully those in power will listen before the violence brings down another Pakistani government and perhaps its long time unreliable patron, the United States.

Our work on this side is to find ways to lift the veil of secrecy.  This situation is complex but complexity should never deter us from working through the fog towards the cultural nodes that hold out promise for reconciliation.  The US embassy is scheduled for a 736 million dollar face-lift in Islamabad with Marine guards, and civilian-military contractors. It will be protected by advanced digitized security gimmicks.  A quirky Iraq-like US green zone in another Muslim country may in fact constrict the space so needed for experiments in peacemaking.  Most of all Pakistan needs room to sort out its own priorities and determine how Muslim convictions in the context of the rainbow of Pakistani cultures can energize it into the future.



Peacemaking in Pukhtoon Country by peaceprobe
Peacemaking in Pukhtoon Country
A Pukhtoon never forsakes revenge
A stone of Pukhtoon (enmity) does not rot in water.
A Pukhtoon enmity is like fire of a dunghill.
May Allah spare you a Pukhtoon’s Anger.
If a Pukhtoon takes his revenge after a hundred years, it is still too soon.
Proverbs of the Pukhtoon people
“The Pukhtoon  loves fighting but hates to be a soldier; loves music but has a great contempt for the musician; is kind and gentle but hates to show it; loves his new rifle and his old wife; is hot-blooded and hot-headed; is poor and proud with strange principles; might be a loving friend or a deadly enemy; in general, he is very simple but very complicated in his simplicity.”
Ghani Khan: Pukhtoon poet and philosopher
—–
The wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan could drag on for 10, 20 or more years.  Viewed from the stance of many Pukhtoon villagers these wars have already lasted almost 30 years since the arrival of Soviet forces in Afghanistan in the early 1980s.  Eventually the wars will end because outside forces including NATO, the US, and national armies of Afghanistan and Pakistan that are viewed as trouble makers or hostile interlopers will go away due to exhaustion.  The wars may also end because of negotiations with villages, or some of the 60 tribes which are groups of villages that share specific customs, and in some cases larger coalitions.  Negotiations between the Afghan government and Taliban forces are happening at undisclosed locations in the Gulf States. The Pakistan military has a long history of communication and even support for the Taliban.  These larger relationships and negotiations will not obviate the need for additional talks with traditional leaders that can lead to peace.
According to Ali Gohar, a child of Pukhtoon culture and respected leader in Pukhtoon communities of Northwest Pakistan and Afghanistan, any negotiations must be conditioned by customary law.  He summarizes this in a recent monograph,  “hospitality is one of the finest virtues, revenge a sacred duty and bravery an essential pre-requisite for an honorable life…   These attributes also form the basis of the Pukhtoon code of honor and anyone who repudiates them is looked down upon by the society.”  For the Pukhtoon peace is sustained by following norms, values and customary law.
Without authentic action of making things right by the perpetrator of a crime, badal (revenge) is a duty of a Pukhtoon tribesmen. The crime may come from those who invade and those who bomb with drones or air planes.  The obligation of Badal rests with the aggrieved party and it can be discharged only by action against the aggressor, writes Gohar. If there is no means of revenge it may be deferred for years, but it is disgraceful to abandon it entirely.  The whole tribe may be called upon to assist in retaliation.
In the Pukhtoon culture shame is for the victims. It can be equalized and therefore cancelled through revenge. Even though there is a strong religious belief that God will punish the wrongdoer here and in the hereafter, people still believe that revenge is their duty. A victim of kidnaping, rape or murder carries with her or him the shame of this crime done to them. This shame will persist for their whole life until and unless it is equalized by revenge. Shame is not just a matter for the individual.  Shame is carried by the family and tribe of the victims for generations  Only when traditional elders working through the council (jirga) of the community intervene with traditional law can the cycle of shame be broken without retribution.
There is no Pukhtoon word for “sorry”.   If a person does something wrong, both the offender and the victim will suffer for generations until and unless it is equalized by applying the principal “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.”   By way of jirga intervention one may beg for forgiveness (nanawathay).  Compromise through arbitration  is also practiced when both parties agree to engage in a process.
In tribes and villages it is common for adult males to own a weapon.  If a visitor comes to a village the males will line up and shoot their weapons as a sign of welcome.  However, these weapons are also available in a time of need to form a police force in order to apply local customary law or as a militia when enemies from the outside appear.
This very sketchy smattering of Pukhtoon customs are at best a taste of what foreign armies, journalists and sincere helpers face in the present Afghanistan and Pakistani wars.  An already complex social inheritance is made even more complicated by the introduction of various outside Muslim and non Muslim forces and home grown warlords now referred to as Taliban groups.  In general however, any resolution will have to incorporate the deeply held values identified above and others if there is to be lasting peace.
I asked persons who live in the midst of Pukhtoon tribal society if there is any way that these tribal customs can become a resource for peace rather than a source of confusion and conflict. Their answer was an unqualified, “Yes”.  “But” said one informer with deep roots in the region, “you can not send people from the military you must send civilians.  We will not trust the military who send Hellfire missiles and bombs and soldiers.”
When I asked my informers if it would be safe for someone to come and talk they replied, “We honor our guests with our lives.  They will be welcomed by a row of local people who shoot their weapons into the air as a sign of hospitality.  We will guard you with our lives.  Richard Holbrook would be welcomed tomorrow.  Our most basic need right now is peace.”
“And who would Richard Holbrook or his Afghan or Pakistani counterpart talk to?” I asked.  “A garget (community of elders) would be assembled in the tribe, the village, or region and we would start talking.  It can happen.”
Revenge is a deep part of Pukhtoon life.  But revenge for the coming decades is not inevitable.  Every missile and every attack increases the deep margins of revenge in the Pukhtoon soul.   Another proverb points the way in hope, “Where there is love a Pukhtoon will accompany you to  hell but where there is force he will not even go to heaven with you.”
For information on how to access this new monograph Who learns from whom? Pukhtoon Traditions in Modern Perspective by Ali Gohar go to  www.justpeaceint.org.  It should be available shortly.
Note in former posting I used the spelling Pashtoon.  There are a variety of terms and spellings used to refer to the Pukhtoon people.  For this piece I have been advised to use Pukhtoon.

“A Pukhtoon never forsakes revenge.”

“A stone of Pukhtoon (enmity) does not rot in water.”

“A Pukhtoon enmity is like fire of a dunghill.”

“May Allah spare you a Pukhtoon’s Anger.”

“If a Pukhtoon takes his revenge after a hundred years, it is still too soon.”

– Proverbs of the Afghan and Pakistani Pukhtoon people

____________

“The Pukhtoon  loves fighting but hates to be a soldier; loves music but has a great contempt for the musician; is kind and gentle but hates to show it; loves his new rifle and his old wife; is hot-blooded and hot-headed; is poor and proud with strange principles; might be a loving friend or a deadly enemy; in general, he is very simple but very complicated in his simplicity.”

Ghani Khan: Pukhtoon poet and philosopher

*                        *                          *

The wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan could drag on for 10, 20 or more years.  Viewed from the stance of many Pukhtoon villagers these wars have already lasted almost 30 years since the arrival of Soviet forces in Afghanistan in the early 1980s.  Eventually the wars will end because outside forces including NATO, the US, and national armies of Afghanistan and Pakistan that are viewed as trouble makers or hostile interlopers will go away due to exhaustion.  The wars may also end because of negotiations with villages, or some of the 60 tribes which are groups of villages that share specific customs, and in some cases larger coalitions.  Negotiations between the Afghan government and Taliban forces are happening at undisclosed locations in the Gulf States. The Pakistan military has a long history of communication and even support for the Taliban.  These larger relationships and negotiations will not obviate the need for additional talks with traditional leaders that can lead to peace.

According to Ali Gohar, a child of Pukhtoon culture and respected leader in Pukhtoon communities of Northwest Pakistan and Afghanistan, any negotiations must be conditioned by customary law.  He summarizes this in a recent monograph,  “hospitality is one of the finest virtues, revenge a sacred duty and bravery an essential pre-requisite for an honorable life…   These attributes also form the basis of the Pukhtoon code of honor and anyone who repudiates them is looked down upon by the society.”  For the Pukhtoon peace is sustained by following norms, values and customary law.

Without authentic action of making things right by the perpetrator of a crime, badal (revenge) is a duty of a Pukhtoon tribesmen. The crime may come from those who invade and those who bomb with drones or air planes.  The obligation of Badal rests with the aggrieved party and it can be discharged only by action against the aggressor, writes Gohar. If there is no means of revenge it may be deferred for years, but it is disgraceful to abandon it entirely.  The whole tribe may be called upon to assist in retaliation.

In the Pukhtoon culture shame is for the victims. It can be equalized and therefore cancelled through revenge. Even though there is a strong religious belief that God will punish the wrongdoer here and in the hereafter, people still believe that revenge is their duty. A victim of kidnaping, rape or murder carries with her or him the shame of this crime done to them. This shame will persist for their whole life until and unless it is equalized by revenge. Shame is not just a matter for the individual.  Shame is carried by the family and tribe of the victims for generations  Only when traditional elders working through the council (jirga) of the community intervene with traditional law can the cycle of shame be broken without retribution.

There is no Pukhtoon word for “sorry”.   If a person does something wrong, both the offender and the victim will suffer for generations until and unless it is equalized by applying the principal “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.”   By way of jirga intervention one may beg for forgiveness (nanawathay).  Compromise through arbitration  is also practiced when both parties agree to engage in a process.

In tribes and villages it is common for adult males to own a weapon.  If a visitor comes to a village the males will line up and shoot their weapons as a sign of welcome.  However, these weapons are also available in a time of need to form a police force in order to apply local customary law or as a militia when enemies from the outside appear.

This very sketchy smattering of Pukhtoon customs are at best a taste of what foreign armies, journalists and sincere helpers face in the present Afghanistan and Pakistani wars.  An already complex social inheritance is made even more complicated by the introduction of various outside Muslim and non Muslim forces and home grown warlords now referred to as Taliban groups.  In general however, any resolution will have to incorporate the deeply held values identified above and others if there is to be lasting peace.

I asked persons who live in the midst of Pukhtoon tribal society if there is any way that these tribal customs can become a resource for peace rather than a source of confusion and conflict. Their answer was an unqualified, “Yes”.  “But” said one informer with deep roots in the region, “you can not send people from the military you must send civilians.  We will not trust the military who send Hellfire missiles and bombs and soldiers.”

When I asked my informers if it would be safe for someone to come and talk they replied, “We honor our guests with our lives.  They will be welcomed by a row of local people who shoot their weapons into the air as a sign of hospitality.  We will guard you with our lives.  Richard Holbrook would be welcomed tomorrow.  Our most basic need right now is peace.”

“And who would Richard Holbrook or his Afghan or Pakistani counterpart talk to?” I asked.  “A garget (community of elders) would be assembled in the tribe, the village, or region and we would start talking.  It can happen.”

Revenge is a deep part of Pukhtoon life.  But revenge for the coming decades is not inevitable.  Every missile and every attack increases the deep margins of revenge in the Pukhtoon soul.   Another proverb points the way in hope, “Where there is love a Pukhtoon will accompany you to hell but where there is force he will not even go to heaven with you.”

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For information on how to access this new monograph Who learns from whom? Pukhtoon Traditions in Modern Perspective by Ali Gohar go to  www.justpeaceint.org.  It should be available shortly.

Note: In former posting I used the spelling Pashtoon.  There are a variety of terms and spellings used to refer to the Pukhtoon people.  For this piece I have been advised to use Pukhtoon.